Part 2
A useful heuristic would be to think about each issue, and about the party itself,
from the perspective of the three Durkheimian foundations. Might the Democrats expand
their moral range without betraying their principles? Might they even find ways to
improve their policies by incorporating and publicly praising some conservative insights?
The ingroup/loyalty foundation supports virtues of patriotism and self-sacrifice
that can lead to dangerous nationalism[24], but in moderate doses a sense that "we
are all one" is a recipe for high social capital and civic wellbeing. A recent study
by Robert Putnam (titled ’E Pluribus Unum’, 2007) found that ethnic diversity increases
anomie and social isolation by decreasing people's sense of belonging to a shared
community. Democrats should think carefully, therefore, about why they celebrate
diversity. If the purpose of diversity programs is to fight racism and discrimination
(worthy goals based on fairness concerns), then these goals might be better served
by encouraging assimilation and a sense of shared identity.
The purity/sanctity foundation is used heavily by the Christian right to condemn
hedonism and sexual ‘deviance’, but it can also be harnessed for progressive causes.
Sanctity does not have to come from God; the psychology of this system is about overcoming
our lower, grasping, carnal selves in order to live in a way that is higher, nobler,
and more spiritual[25]. Many liberals criticise the crassness and ugliness that our
unrestrained free market society has created. There is a long tradition of liberal
anti-materialism often linked to a reverence for nature. Environmental and animal
welfare issues are easily promoted using the language of harm/care, but such appeals
might be more effective when supplemented with hints of purity/sanctity.
The authority/respect[26] foundation will be the hardest for Democrats to use. But
even as liberal bumper stickers urge us to "question authority" and assert that “dissent
is patriotic”, Democrats can ask what needs this foundation serves, and then look
for other ways to meet them. The authority foundation is all about maintaining social
order, so any candidate seen to be ‘soft on crime’ has disqualified himself, for
many Americans, from being entrusted with the ultimate authority. Democrats would
do well to read Durkheim (1912) and think about the quasi-religious importance of
the criminal justice system. The miracle of turning individuals into groups can only
be performed by groups that impose costs on cheaters and slackers. You can do this
the authoritarian way (with strict rules and harsh penalties) or you can do it using
the fairness/reciprocity foundation by stressing personal responsibility and the
beneficence of the nation towards those who “work hard and play by the rules”. But
if you don't do it at all - if you seem to tolerate or enable cheaters and slackers
- then you are committing a kind of sacrilege.
If Democrats want to understand what makes people vote Republican, they must first
understand the full spectrum of American moral concerns. They should then consider
whether they can use more of that spectrum themselves. The Democrats would lose their
souls if they ever abandoned their commitment to social justice, but social justice
is about getting fair relationships among the parts of the nation. This often divisive
struggle among the parts must be balanced by a clear and oft-repeated commitment
to guarding the precious coherence of the whole. America lacks the long history,
small size, ethnic homogeneity, and soccer mania that holds many other nations together,
so our flag, our founding fathers, our military, and our common language take on
a moral importance that many liberals find hard to fathom.
Unity is not the great need of the hour, it is the eternal struggle of our immigrant
nation. The three Durkheimian foundations of ingroup, authority, and purity are powerful
tools in that struggle. Until Democrats understand this point, they will be vulnerable
to the seductive but false belief that Americans vote for Republicans primarily because
they have been duped into doing so.
Comments: It seems to me that Haidt is doing his analysis from a position above GREEN
- ie: YELLOW - and is advocating for GREEN Democrats to see, value, and incorporate
the BLUE core of Republicans. His personal transformational experience in a traditional
BLUE culture gives him a perspective which allows him to understand its value. Living
in a tribal society would probably sensitise him to the differences between BLUE
traditional and PURPLE tribal cultures. A time with the warlords of Afghanistan would
awaken his understanding of the RED warrior culture. His conflating of modern ORANGE
with postmodern GREEN creates some confusion in his analysis.
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[24] Each of the stages has both ‘healthy’ and ‘unhealthy’ manifestations; healthy
means they are good for people at that stage and allow people to emerge into subsequent
stages and regress temporarily as life conditions dictate.
[25]Here the enemy posited is unhealthy RED, power-independence which is found below
the level of the BLUE, truth-order culture; GREEN, communitarian culture shares this
loathing but also values the RED, power-independence when it is used heroically or
in a revolutionary mode against systems of injustice and inequality.
[26] Now he is dealing with the post-modern, GREEN, egalitarian Democrats.