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Key Study: Strange Situation 
Studies

Mary Ainsworth & Sylvia Bell 1970



AIMS: Following a period of working with John Bowlby in the UK and being much influenced by Bowlby researcher John Robertson’s meticulous attention to detail in recording naturalistic observations, in 1954 Mary Ainsworth went to Uganda - as a result of her husband getting a research position there. She studied mother-child relationships in 6 villages of the Ganda people in Kampala, visiting 26 mothers and their infants, every 2 weeks for 2 hours per visit over a period of up to 9 months. Visits (with an interpreter) took place in the family living room, where Ganda women generally entertain in the afternoon. Ainsworth was particularly interested in determining the onset of proximity-promoting signals and behaviours, noting carefully when these signals and behaviours became preferentially directed toward the mother. From this she identified 3 types of relationships:-

These categories were a further development of a classification system Bowlby, Ainsworth et al (1956) had used with long-stay children in a TB sanitorium. Ainsworth also found that securely attached children had mothers who enjoyed breastfeeding and were responsive to their children’s needs (caregiver sensitivity).

Back in the United States several years later, Ainsworth conducted a similar study of 26 families in Baltimore. She regularly visited the mothers and their children for upto 4 hours at a time, interviewing them and making detailed notes from her observations.

From these 2 projects Ainsworth concluded that there are two distinctive features of attachment, both of which have adaptive value. Firstly, infants seek to be close to the mother - proximity - especially when they feel threatened by something. Secondly, a secure attachment enables the infant to explore - essential for cognitive development - using the mother/attachment figure as a secure base to explore and return to.

With Sylvia Bell, Ainsworth wanted to study formally the reactions of young children to brief separations from their mother to determine the nature of attachment behaviours. In particular they were interested in differences between secure and insecure attachments. They hoped that the Strange Situation would prove a reliable an valid measure of attachments.


PROCEDURE (METHOD): The researchers used Strange Situation controlled observation procedure, devised by Ainsworth & Barbara Wittig (1969) for the Baltimore studies. This was used on approximately 100 middle-class infants aged between 12 and 18 months. Each episode was 3 minutes:-

  1. The parent and their infant are introduced to the experimental room, containing toys in some parts of it - a novel environment, 9 x 9-foot square marked off into 16 squares to facilitate the hidden observer in recording the infant’s movements.
  2. The parent and the infant are alone. The parent, sitting quietly in a chair, does not participate while the infant explores.
  3. The stranger enters, converses with the parent and then gradually approaches infant with a toy. The parent leaves inconspicuously.
  4. First separation episode: the stranger's behaviour is geared to that of infant - leaving the child playing with the toys unless they are inactive, in which case the stranger tries to interest the infant in the toys.
  5. First reunion episode: the parent returns and waits for the infant to respond. The stranger leaves inconspicuously as parent comforts infant. Once the infant is settled, the parent then leaves again
  6. Second separation episode: the infant is alone
  7. Continuation of second separation episode: the stranger enters and gears behaviour to that of the infant
  8. Second reunion episode: the parent enters, waits for the infant to respond and then picks up the child; the stranger leaves inconspicuously.

If the child becomes very distressed, the mother returns earlier than planned. The procedure is then repeated with a further ‘stranger’ episode.

The child’s behaviours are recorded every 15 seconds throughout the sequence of events and are also rated for intensity on a scale of 1-7.

(Over the years both Ainsworth and others introduced minor variations into the procedure. It has also been used with children up to the age of 6.)


RESULTS (FINDINGS): Using a combination of behavioural measures - mainly search behaviours, proximity seeking, maintenance of proximity, stranger anxiety and reaction to reunion - Ainsworth classified infants into 3 types:-

The types and percentages are summarised in the graphic below....

Generally speaking, they found that the infants explored the room most enthusiastically when just the mother was present than either when the stranger entered or when the mother was absent.


CONCLUSIONS: There are different types of attachment which are differentiated in observed attachment behaviours. Additionally the type of attachment between a mother/caregiver and child seems related to the mother/caregiver’s sensitivity and responsiveness to the child. The Strange Situation is a reliable procedure for measuring differences in attachment.


EVALUATION (CRITICISMS):

  1. The classification shows good reliability over time with the same mother-child pairs
  2. The category percentages are similar across cultures

Although her own study (1973) failed to show good test/re-test reliability, Toni Antonucci & Mary Levitt (1984) - and other studies -  found strong consistency between classifications at 7 and 13 months. Main, Kaplan & Cassidy (1985) assessed infants in the Strange Situation before 18 months and with both mothers and fathers and then retested them at the age of 6. They found that 100% of the secure infants were still secure and 75% of the anxious-avoidant were still anxious-avoidant. Ainsworth, Mary Blehar, Everett Waters & Sally Wall (1978) summarised the findings of 106 Strange Situation studies on middle-class children, almost totally supporting the 1970 one. Waters (1978) reported that, in one study, only 2 out of 50 infants, changed their attachment type between 12 and 18 months.  A study in southern Germany by Ulrike Wartner, Karin Grossman, Elisabeth Fremmer-Bombik & Gerhard Suess (1994) found 78% of the children were classified in the same way at the ages of 1 and 6. Edward Melhuish (1993) has suggested that where variations occur, these are often associated with changes in the form of care  - eg: parents separating.
Some cross-cultural studies have shown significant variations from the category percentages found by Ainsworth.
Klaus Grossman, Karin Grossman, F Huber & Wartner (1981) found that the majority of German infants demonstrated anxious-avoidant attachments  - 49% anxious-avoidant, 33% secure and 18% anxious-resistant. On the other hand Keiko Takahashi (1990) found a higher than average percentage of anxious-resistant types in Japan. She suggested this might be attributed to the excessive stress Japanese infants might experience during the Strange Situation separation, as infant-mother separation is not the norm in the Japanese culture. However, as Mary Ellen Durrett, Midori Otaki & Phyllis Richards (1984) had pointed out earlier, in modern Japanese families mothers do go out to work and leave their children; and attachment types in such families tended to follow the Ainsworth pattern.

From the work of Mary Ainsworth, Mary Blehar, Everett Waters & Sally Wall Graphic copyright © 2000 Psychology Press Ltd

close relationships with their mothers, they tended not to be anxious-avoidant. They rarely encountered complete strangers which might help explain the high numbers of anxious-resistant. Another reason put forward was that mothers were often absent; while the caregivers rotated shifts and could not always give prompt attention to individual children. (These findings very much replicated Nathan Fox’s 1977 study into infant attachments on kibbutzim.) Sagi, IJzendoorn & Koren-Karie compared kibbutz children who experienced family sleeping arrangements with those who experienced communal sleeping arrangements and found that the children who slept with their family showed the more ‘normal’ attachment patterns.
The Japanese - from
Kazuo Miyake, S J Chen & J J Campos (1985) - showed 68% secure and 32% anxious-resistant, in accordance with Takahashi’s findings. (Miyake et al found no anxious-avoidant at all in their samples.)
Sagi, IJzendoorn & Koren-Karie found that only 40% of German infants were securely attached, 49% were anxious-avoidant and 11% anxious-resistant. This supported Grossman, Grossman, Huber & Wartner’s earlier findings and suggests that German culture requires some distance between parents and children -
“the ideal is an independent, non-clinging infant who does not make demands on the parents but rather unquestioningly obeys their commands.”
A more recent study by Mary McMahan True, Lelia Pisani & Fadimata Oumar (2001) of the Dogon in West Africa found a complete absence of anxious-avoidant. This was atrributed to the community’s infant care practices which involve responsiveness, constant closeness to mothers and immediate nursing in response to signs of stress.

In 2005 Jin Mi Kyoung compared 87 Korean families with 113 American families, using the Strange Situation. Although there were some notable differences - eg: Korean infants stayed less close to their mothers and explored and, when the mothers returned, they were more likely to get down on the floor and play with their infants - there were a similar proportion of securely-attached children in both cultures.
following on from the important earlier meta-analysis by IJzendoorn  & Pieter Kroonenberg -

Abraham Sagi, Marinus Van IJzendoorn  & N Koren-Karie (1991) reported on Strange Situation findings from studies in the United States, Israel and Japan. The American results were similar to Ainsworth’s: 71% showing secure attachment, 12% anxious-resistant and 17% anxious-avoidant.

The Israeli findings - from Sagi, Van Ijzendoorn, Ora Aviezer, Frank Donnell & Ofra Mayseless (1985) - were rather different: 62% secure, 33% anxious-resistant and only 5% anxious-avoidant. The Israeli sample, though, was taken from a kibbutz (communal farm) where the infants were looked after much of the time by adults who were not part of their  family (‘metapelets’). As the children still

From the work of Abraham Sagi, Marinus Van Ijzendoorn & N Koren-Karie. Graphic copyright © 2000 Psychology Press Ltd